Sunday, May 30, 2010

Best Beginner Receivers

Peace, democracy, intercultural, knowledge: the new challenges of the res publica-European as a guarantor of public goods and collective rights

Anticipating the collective volume "Europe 2.0 perspectives and developments in the European dream," Nicole and Simone Vallinoto Vannuccini (ed.), Shadows Court, Verona, May 2010.

Peace, democracy, intercultural, knowledge: new challenges of the res publica-European as a guarantor of public goods and collective rights

Pier Virgilio Dastoli


* The entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon1 close a long period of negotiations for the amendment of the Treaties of Rome in 1957, Negotiations began with the Single European Act of 1987, but politically started with the draft Treaty of the European Parliament in 1984: a project inspired by the clean design of the federal system Spinelli to be achieved through political action, not ideological conceptions of federalism smoky intended to prevail first in Europe and then throughout the world for the sheer force of reason.

The Lisbon Treaty is a text consistent with the concept monnettiana European functionalism well described by Jacques Delors to as the "method of the gear." It contains some important innovations - including the most significant is probably the legally binding nature of the former Charter of Nice (now Charter, Strasbourg) - and consolidate the progress made since 1987: European citizenship, the powers of the European Parliament, objectives and powers of the Union beyond the market, single currency, the primacy of Union law and its legal personality, nature and community no longer or not only intergovernmental body that represents the nation states.

After twenty-five years of negotiations, six treated and six intergovernmental conferences - to which are added to those for membership of eighteen countries, and two changes "constitutional" to the financial and budgetary provisions -, national governments and European Parliament exclude the possibility that can be opened in the medium term a new procedure for amending the treaties.
In politics and in particular in European policy in the medium term is more or less a decade and the general common in Brussels and the capitals of member countries is that a new phase of the constitution will not open on the eve of the forthcoming enlargement of the great European Union to the Western Balkans (Serbia, Montenegro, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Macedonia, Albania, Kosovo) and the final stage of negotiations with Turkey, assuming that Croatia and Iceland have come in during this term.

Continue in Europe 2.0

Pier Virgilio Dastoli, created the Parliamentary Intergroup for the federalist European constitution in 1986. He promoted the calling of a consultative referendum on Europe in the European elections of 1989. He created the Permanent Forum of European civil society. He organized the Hague Congress of 1998 and launched a campaign to give the EU a charter setting out the goods and collective rights. He was the secretary of the Movement European and International Director of the European Commission Representation in Italy. He has published several books on European integration and working with the magazine "Il Mulino". Sites: www.forum-civil-society.org.

Very Large Granny Boobs

The Protection of Fundamental Rights after Lisbon

Anticipating the collective volume "Europe 2.0 perspectives and developments in the European dream," Nicole and Simone Vallinoto Vannuccini (ed.), Shadows Court, Verona, May 2010.

Protection of Fundamental Rights after Lisbon

Joseph Bronzini

* A line of supranational pen, the new art. 6 of the Treaty on European Union (TEU), and the supreme lord Treaties "(unfortunately the IGC, although constrained by the" conventional method "as a regular approach to guide the review process) may have radically changed the system of protection of fundamental rights in the Old Continent, and thus the role of the court European multi-level in the judicial system. Basically in a row, thanks to the intuition of Julian Amato1, resolved the question of the effectiveness of the Charter was "proclaimed" more than nine years ago in Nice, signed by the three EU institutions (Commission, Council and Parliament) and published, but not in the Official Journal, as early as 20002.

Questa soluzione è stata trovata nel contesto più ampio del completamento delle riforme istituzionali dell’Unione con il varo del nuovo Trattato; vengono così a completarsi due processi collegati ma concettualmente separabili, il primo iniziato con il Consiglio di Colonia del 1998, relativo alla codificazione di un Elenco solenne di diritti fondamentali appannaggio dei cittadini europei (operazione conclusa solo con la definizione della natura giuridica di tale Elenco stilato dalla prima Convenzione) ed il secondo con il successivo Consiglio di Laeken di approntamento di un sistema di regole appropriate per una Unione ormai a ventisette Stati; regole più trasparenti, più democratiche, non paralizzanti e comunque tali da conferire un more active role in the Union on the global stage. The draft "European Constitution" sought to weld the two lines of development of the integration process in a relationship they wanted a constitutional nature, but I will not dwell on the point, perhaps it is too early to take stock of nearly a decade of debate on the topic , better stop and see that the Charter has been incorporated into the Treaties and that its compulsory and binding and is now indisputable that this historic step on the other hand is closely (and even formally, as is expected in that Treaty) connected to institutional strengthening of the supranational entity - European Union - which is equipped with the new rules which, on almost all issues, are the same as produced by the second Convention, from foreign policy to the suppression of the pillars, the co-decision principle to the ordinary legislative process, the extension of majority voting, the new powers of initiative of European citizens (art. 14), the figure of the Presidency so stable.

Continue in Europe 2.0

GIUSEPPE Bronzino, Director of Cassation. He edited The Charter of the European Union (Chimienti, 2009), The prospects of the welfare state in Europe (Viella, 2009). Author of The rights of the people worldwide (manifestolibri, 2004). Member of the Bass Foundation, the MFE and the Observatory on respect for human rights Fundamentals in Europe. Founding member of the Basic Income Network Italy. Among the promoters of the campaign for European citizenship and residence for a "guaranteed income for Europe." Sites: www.europeanrights.eu; www.binitalia.org.

Friday, May 28, 2010

Heavy Breathing Eyes Open Unresponsive

Towards a European social model as to meet the risks of the XXI century

Anticipating the collective volume "Europe 2.0 perspectives and developments in the European dream," Nicole and Simone Vallinoto Vannuccini (ed.), Shadows Court, Verona, May 2010.

Towards a European social model as to meet the risks of the XXI century


Grace Borgna *

The neoliberal model of development which led to the American-inspired globalization so far e che ha portato alla crisi globale attuale è stato fallimentare. Non ha reso compatibile lo sviluppo economico con la pace, il rispetto dei diritti sociali e dell‘equilibrio ecologico del pianeta. L’ideologia neoliberista mutuata dagli Usa, fondata sui presunti benefici che deriverebbero dallo smantellamento dello stato sociale va dunque contrastata ricreando un sistema europeo di protezione sociale e di sicurezza articolato ai livelli continentale, nazionale, regionale e locale. Un sistema federale nel quale l’Unione europea (Ue), si assuma le proprie responsabilità in ordine alla promozione, al coordinamento e all’attuazione delle politiche perequative necessarie a realizzare un nuovo “modello sociale europeo” (Mse).

should be noted that follow the pure logic of market self-regulated has led in some cases to confuse modernization with the privatization and ignore that there are services that, if privatized, does not allow you to meet the minimum safety and utility. The environmental and social distortions of this pattern of development, completed without democratic control, are suddenly flowing in a crisis exacerbated global financial and economic catastrophe that without drastic corrective measures, is likely to affect only the weaker sections of the population.
The economic cost, environmental and social impact resulting from the emptying of the rules in place to democratic development has been relevant. The crisis of welfare that resulted, it could become a threat to democracy itself, as the growth of inequality leads to more poverty and exclusion and, consequently, of the conflict. Threatens social cohesion. It would be very unfortunate if at the beginning of the recovery were to be repeated the same system that has led to global financial and economic crisis.
is now recognized by many as the need for a decisive change of course towards a model of global development is supported and guided by a new multipolar world order, a more democratic and flexible framework that allows social integration and collective responsibility. The EU

can and should play a crucial role in this change. Should help to build a new world balance based on the cooperation of all other regions of the world and aims to joint implementation of a development model capable of restoring democratic control over economic decisions, to rectify the current imbalances in social and environmental issues and to show that You can combine economic development and social cohesion, market and social protection, enhancement and support of the person to collective needs. Read the book

Europe 2.0

BORGNA GRACE, director of the Einstein Center for International Studies of Turin. Director of the European Federalist Movement. He promoted the campaign for the election universal suffrage of the European Parliament for the euro and the European Federal Constitution. He edited the volume The European social model in the Constitution (Princeton, 2004). He contributed an essay to the volume's role in the world (Alpine, 2007). Site: www.centroeinstein.it.

Lg Cookie Crashes Windows

Building from below the public space European

Anticipating the collective volume "Europe 2.0 perspectives and developments in the European dream," Nicole and Simone Vallinoto Vannuccini (ed.), Shadows Court, Verona, May 2010.

Building from below the European public space

Raffaella Bolin *

In 1910 the British suffragettes were arrested during the demonstrations for the vote to women at the gates of the House of Commons. Even in the sixties survived the European colonial rule in Africa. Regimes in Eastern Europe have resisted until 1989, and apartheid is a bit 'more. No one can deny that in the last century, democracy has made great strides throughout the world. There is more amount of democracy, but in today's era, this corresponds to a lowering of its quality. There is less participation in the vote, less trust in politicians. The economy eats politics, privatization erodes the public, globalization undermines democracy and the rule of international institutions non è ancora stata inventata. Marylin Taylor, dell’Università del West England, la chiama “contraddizione democratica”.

La vittoria dei no ai referendum sul Trattato Costituzionale ha dato un potente contributo ad aprire la riflessione. È vero, come ha scritto Giuseppe Allegri, che lo strumento referendario in sé – a conclusione di un processo difficilmente rapportabile a una dimensione autenticamente
pubblica e democratica – certo non era lo strumento più idoneo a manifestare la volontà delle cittadinanze. Le società europee sono complesse, frammentate e pluralistiche, mentre la scelta referendaria presuppone la riduzione brutale delle scelte, dell’articolazione del dibattito and differences. In any case, the de-legitimization of the constitutional process has been strong and clear and the Community institutions had to feel like it or not the distance that separates them from people in the flesh. It is the fear of people materialized for an institutional level
considered less controllable but weakened national democracies, dark incidence on everyday life, represented in fact by impositions from above, subordinate to the strong powers of globalization and complicit in the destruction of collateral Social won at national level.

Following the shock of the referendum, while governments were shortcuts in order not to run aground the path of the Treaty, in some settori della stessa Commissione europea si è aperta una riflessione inedita. Ha interrogato in modo critico anche organizzazioni della società civile che giocano la partita dentro le istituzioni, nei ristretti spazi consentiti e concessi. Si è dovuto ammettere che per troppo tempo la relazione con i cittadini è stata intesa come puro e semplice impegno per l’informazione sulla vita delle istituzioni europee. E che tante esperienze non governative si sono prestate per anni a questo equivoco, intorno al quale sono state investite risorse e si sono costruiti meccanismi di cooptazione. Ma tanto più si allargano gli ambiti di competenza dell’Unione europea, tanto più ci si avvia verso l’unione politica e non solo monetaria ed economica, the more it is clear that the democratic deficit is serious, and it has to do with the basic constituent of the Union.

continues in the book.

* RAFFAELLA Bolin, Head of International Automobile. And activist since the eighties in movements for peace, international solidarity and against racism, for global justice. Involved in organizing the European Social Forum and the World. Vice-President of the European Civic Forum. Sites: www. arci.it; www.forumsocialmundial.org.br; www.fse-esf.org; www.civic-forum.fr.

Wednesday, May 26, 2010

How To Make A Ceramic Mold

Overheating:

Ho avuto modo di testare il nuovo firmware 1.2.1 per la Canon EOS 7D e posso dire che il problema di surriscaldamento sembra essere finalmente risolto. Due interviste di circa 3 ore ciascuna (in un clima quasi estivo) e nessun segnale di allarme da parte della 7D, mentre in precedenza dopo 40 minuti circa compariva la spia rossa dell'overheating. Un passo importante, anche se poco reclamizzato.

Aggiornamento del 21/09/2010: in realtà durante l'estate il warning di overheating è ricomparso qualche volta, ma stavo utilizzando la 7D in situazioni realmente calde e con il sole che batteva direttamente sul corpo macchina. Ho ignorato l'allarme and have continued to record, the 7D has continued to work without interruption.

Wednesday, May 19, 2010

Frozen Yogurt Business Needs

The alliance between the European Parliament and movements for the advancement of the integration process of Europe

The alliance between the European Parliament and movements for the advancement the process of European integration

Vittorio Agnoletto *

My views on the present and future of the EU are the result of very different experiences with each other developed in the last twenty years, before nell'associazionismo, Then, among the social movements, then in the halls of Parliament.

Dall'associazionismo ...

In the nineties as the president of Lila (Italian League for the fight against AIDS), I coordinated several European research projects to be attended by the principal associations to combat AIDS, and many organizations involved in the civil rights of the then Union of fifteen. I checked Field activity of groups that deal with health, combating drugs, protecting the rights of homosexuals, migrants, prostitutes, I found similarities and common languages \u200b\u200bbut also different practices and some injury.

I spent whole days to convince North European associations that AIDS could not be exclusive to the gay, I have discovered with astonishment the prohibition on drugs in Sweden and I saw my interlocutors in disbelief when he told the Church's interference in the policies Prevention ...

... movement

Since July 2001, Genoa, through the experience of the European Social Forums, the children of the World Social Forum Porto Alegre, until 2004, I lived totally immersed in the anti-neoliberal movements / global justice. Years were spent in an attempt to build networks and European campaigns around social conflicts and disputes: the struggle against military bases in the defense of common goods, the request for reception policies towards migrants in the campaign in favor of the Tobin Tax.

growing awareness that our struggle was necessarily any supranational and continental levels. This awareness coexisted with the consequences of the fierce opposition that all the European left (I refer of course to socialist parties / Social Democrats) had worked in the early nineties against the treaty Maastricht. The Treaty created a stronger European integration basing it on the dominance of finance and economic power of autonomy from politics.

One of the legacies of that battle was, for a short period, widespread indifference towards the European institutions seen as performers or as institutions of capitalist rule unnecessary or, at most, as a platform from which to relaunch the struggles of the movements. There is no doubt that the EU's complex institutional structure and limited powers of the European Parliament are driving this lack of interest. But the growth of the issues brought anti-neoliberal movements soon to come to terms with Community policies: the CAP, the common agricultural policy, trade, by the defense to the internal market directives. The movements were forced to recall knowledge and expertise on the institutional dimension of the European Union. Read the book

Europe 2.0.

* VITTORIO AGNOLETTO in 1992 founded the Italian League for the Fight against AIDS. In 2001 he was spokesman for the Italian delegation to the World Social Forum in Porto Alegre and the Genoa Social Forum. From 2004 to 2009 is in the MEP group of the European Left. The company has published before AIDS and people. Our arguments against this globalization. Sites: www.vittorioagnoletto.it; www.lila.it, www.forumsocialmundial.org.br.

Tuesday, May 18, 2010

Goscope 70 Backpack Refractor Telescope Review

Europe and international trade

Anticipating the collective volume "Europe 2.0 perspectives and developments in the European dream," Nicole and Simone Vallinoto Vannuccini (ed.), Shadows Court, Verona, May 2010.

Europe and international trade

Alberto Zoratti and Monica Di Sisto *

"The economic strength at home is essential for a strong European voice in the world. Trade is essential to create and sustain this force. Changing global economy needs a new trade policy. An open market is not only lower fares, it is a market in which European companies get a fair deal, with freedom to compete and legal protection. The European policy needs to be clear: rejection of protectionism at home, activism in opening markets abroad. " It was October 4, 2006 and Peter Mandelson, then Trade Commissioner for the EU, commented on the new frame which would be added to the Europe of the third millennium.

"Global Europe: Competing in the world" was not only a good intention, but it would mean a decisive change of direction of global trade policy of the old Europe, less than a year after "Ministerial" of the World Trade Organization (WTO) Hong Kong (December 2005). The underlying philosophy of the directional da Mandelson, coerente con la linea dettata dal commissario precedente Pascal Lamy (oggi Direttore generale della Wto), è più che mai semplice quanto diretta: per poter rafforzare i fondamentali dell’economia interna europea, una delle ricette sostanziali è trasformarsi in un competitore globale capace di promuovere e difendere attivamente gli interessi delle imprese e delle multinazionali europee in giro per il mondo.

Un obiettivo che non può essere raggiunto facilmente con gli strumenti già disponibili, ma che richiede un aggiornamento nelle strategie e nell’armamentario a disposizione. La Wto, e così l’ambito multilaterale, hanno dimostrato limiti apparentemente insormontabili: dal 1999, anno in in the Millennium Round, the negotiations on liberalization of the millennium, it fails before even starting in the cold Seattle, the steps taken in the direction of progressive liberalization of global markets are few and unstable. Read the book

Europe 2.0

* Alberto Zoratti, a biologist and freelance journalist. Founder of "Fair". President of Fairwatch. Former Vice-President of the General Assembly of the Italian trade fair. He has promoted campaigns "MobiliTebio" and "This World is Not for Sale". Rete Lilliput spokesman at the G8 in Genoa Social Forum in 2001. He writes about "Altreconomia" and "Paper". Among his books: Stop Mr Burns (Arianna, 2008) e Il voto nel portafoglio (Il Margine, 2009). Siti: www.faircoop.it.

** MONICA DI SISTO, giornalista. Collabora con l’Agenzia Asca, con quotidiani e periodici (Carta, Altreconomia, Rocca). Vicepresidente di Fair e responsabile per le campagne sull’Organizzazione Mondiale del Commercio e sull’economia internazionale. Tra i fondatori dell’Associazione Fairwatch. Tra le sue pubblicazioni: WTO (Emi, 2005) e Il voto nel portafoglio. Cambiare consumo e risparmio per cambiare l’economia (Il Margine, 2009). Sito: www.faircoop.it.

Suppliers Of Clay Pot Here In Metro Manila

The integration of migrants in Europe

Anticipazione dal volume collettivo "Europa 2.0 prospettive ed evoluzioni del sogno European, Nicola and Simon Vallinoto Vannuccini (ed.), short shadows, Verona, May 2010.

The integration of migrants in Europe

Peter Soldini *

The treatment of foreign reveals the characters deeper a political system and the welfare, immigration is a litmus test to understand the level of democracy in a country. Europe, increasingly characterized by a growing "inequality racial "- the result of a different allocation of resources and opportunities between national e stranieri – rischia di pregiudicare il suo grado di civiltà faticosamente raggiunto.

Premessa


La presente nota si articolerà nel modo seguente: si passeranno in
breve rassegna alcuni aspetti del percorso di integrazione che il migrante, giunto in Europa, deve intraprendere per raggiungere una sufficiente integrazione nel paese ospitante. In primo luogo si illustrerà, se esistente, la disciplina comunitaria (trattati, direttive, sentenze delle Corti di Giustizia); a seguire verrà presentata la situazione concreta del migrante in alcuni paesi europei, significant and analyzed by various research institutes . This methodology is almost obligatory since the Community law is limited, almost always, to provide guidance not mandatory, while allowing Member States the legislation more appropriate to their needs quotas.
Even in an area relatively affordable - the discipline social security - the EU has reached only a coordination of different national systems, because the full harmonization is not yet at hand. Lately the only agreement reached by all Member States and effectively acting as its object the defense of external borders, a vision in security-obsessed, underestimating and neglecting the integration policies, which are instead half the better and more far-sighted to give peace and security life both domestic migrants. Read the book

Europe 2.0

* PETER Soldini, the head of the national immigration policies of the CGIL. He served as National President of the Italian Federation of Free Time. Among the campaigns promoted by the CGIL "Same blood, same rights" against racism and "Rights without borders." Sites: www.cgil.it; www.dirittisenzaconfini.it.

Atk Engines Problems?

The Charter of Principles for Europe

Anticipating the collective volume "Europe 2.0 perspectives and developments in the European dream," Nicole and Simone Vallinoto Vannuccini (ed.), Shadows Court, Verona, May 2010.

The Charter of Principles for Europe

Franco Russo *

The entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon on 1 December 2009 ended a period of nearly a decade of struggle constituting a European level, open formally by governments with the Declaration on the future of the European Union - emessa dal Consiglio europeo, riunitosi a Laeken il 14 e il 15 dicembre 2001 –, durante il quale si sono confrontate due visioni dell’Unione: quella delle élites di governo, e dei poteri economico-finanziari, e quella dei movimenti sociali per l’altra Europa. Questa fase si conclude, purtroppo, con una nuova vittoria dei governi che continuano nella costruzione dell’Unione europea dall’alto, seguendo il vecchio e sperimentato metodo funzionalistico che pone al centro il mercato e la moneta. Un ciclo è giunto al termine, senza che l’Ue abbia compiuto una sua rifondazione democratica.
Il Social Forum Europeo, nella sua prima edizione del 2002, fu l’occasione per lanciare l’europeismo di sinistra, then taken as a reference point by Florence on 12 and 13 November 2005, which was the most dynamic moment in the development of a Charter of Principles for
Europe. In this House on a collective Florentine wrote the first draft of the Charter, guided by the resolution, the Assembly adopted the European Preparatory in Istanbul in September 2005 that the Charter should not be "mere repetition of the requests of our movements and their policy documents, but aim to "deepen understanding, writing and systematization of the common core of our values \u200b\u200band feelings, shared by millions of people [...] values \u200b\u200band feelings social movements that have led to
Seattle1999 and Genoa 2001. "
The anti-globalization movement did not make the mistakes of the old Left, which - with the exception of limited areas of and socialism - and the challenge-European Schuman, Adenauer and De Gasperi is locked within the confines of the nation state.

The European Social Forum - from Florence to Malmoe - are still the only supra-national public space, where we began to build democratic discursive practices through the "European people", without falling into organismic visions or nature of the demos. The anti-globalization movement has criticized the methods and content of the "Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe "by accepting the constitutional challenge, making it indeed a privileged terrain of struggle to oppose and overthrow the neo-liberal policies. It is endorsed, even implicitly, the words of Bruce Ackerman, since it has grasped the historic period which opened in Laeken, not as a stage of normal politics but as a constituent phase, and has tried to involve extensively the s city \u200b\u200b/ s with their organizations and associations in the development and affirmation of constitutional principles. While the issue of the Constitution is the establishment of a legal order in which they prevail universal rights of people, and that is down from what the organization of the "powers", then it can be argued that the movements have led to a real "struggle for the European constitution." Read the book

Europe 2.0

France Russia, is part of the Charter for another Europe, a network of European Social Forum. Exponent
Forum environmentalist. Participate in the research center and the Internet Transform Roman against the crisis. Former Member of the Italian Constitutional Affairs Committee. He participated in the founding of the Center-imperialist Che Guevara and proletarian democracy. He enlivened the early stages of the Association and organized the Centre Antigone rights and work. Site: www.europe4all.org.

Thursday, May 13, 2010

Watch Online Mysore Mallige

7D and overheating problem solved: just the new firmware? The promise of

I installed today firmware 1.2.1 for Canon EOS 7D, already made available for several weeks, but little publicized than other updates. According to statements from Canon should delay the onset of the alarm of overheating of the camera in Live View mode and the subsequent forced shutdown. Who have solved the problem of 'overheating , or at least minimized? I will find out in the coming days ...

Wednesday, May 12, 2010

I Want Ceramic Art Collection

Europe open to all residents

Anticipazione dal volume collettivo "Europa 2.0 prospettive ed evoluzioni del sogno europeo", Nicola Vallinoto e Simone Vannuccini (a cura di), ombre corte, Verona, maggio 2010.

Per un’Europa aperta a tutti i residenti


di Paul Oriol*

I principi dell’Unione europea (Ue) sono chiari. Nel suo preambolo la Carta dei diritti fondamentali afferma: “L’Unione si fonda sui valori indivisibili e universali di dignità umana, di libertà, di uguaglianza e di solidarietà; l’Unione si basa sui principi di democrazia e dello stato di diritto. Essa pone la persona al centro della sua azione istituendo la cittadinanza dell’Unione e creando uno spazio di libertà, sicurezza e giustizia”. E, infatti, la Carta enumera una serie di diritti che riconosce a tutte le persone che vivono sul territorio dell’Unione.

Purtroppo, legando la cittadinanza dell’Unione alla nazionalità di uno degli Stati membri, la Carta esclude oltre venti milioni di persone – di non persone? – dalla cittadinanza comunitaria. Riprendendo la definizione del Trattato di Maastricht si può dividere la popolazione che vive su uno stesso territorio in “caste” con diritti differenti:

– i cittadini “nazionali” che vivono sul loro territorio nazionale (tedeschi in Germania, italiani in Italy, etc.). have the right to vote and stand for election;

- Union citizens living in a member country other than their own have the right to vote and stand as candidates in municipal and European elections to the same conditions (or almost) as nationals;

- the third-country nationals have or not have the right to vote in municipal or local elections, with or without eligibility, according to the laws of their country of residence;

- illegal immigrants, then, are excluded from these rights in all Member States.

The EU recognizes some rights extended to all persons who are resident in uno degli Stati dell’Unione, compresi i diritti politici, e specificamente tramite la Carta (art.12), il diritto di riunione e di associazione: “ogni individuo ha diritto alla libertà di riunione pacifica e alla libertà di
associazione a tutti i livelli, segnatamente in campo politico, sindacale e civico, il che implica il diritto di ogni individuo di fondare sindacati insieme con altri e di aderirvi per la difesa dei propri interessi”.

Ogni persona ha il diritto di associazione politica a tutti i livelli. Questo diritto non é riservato al solo cittadino dell’Unione ma è aperto ad ogni persona, anche se questa non ha la cittadinanza dell’Unione per via della sua nazionalità: può be a member of a political party at all levels, even the secretary or president, but can not vote in any election politics! Read the book

Europe 2.0

PAUL ORIOL, longtime activist for the battles on the equality of rights and citizenship. He participated in the Lettre de la citoyenneté, the magazine-Migrations société "and the Board of Immigration Alternatifs and president of the Association pour une citoyenneté européenne de résidence. Entertainer of the campaign "For a European citizenship of residence". Published: Foreign residents, citizens!, Immigrants: metics or citizens?, Immigrants davanti alle urne. Siti: www.lettredelacitoyennete.org; pauloriol.overblog.fr.

Monday, May 10, 2010

Diagrams For Wooden Benches

Europe and the rights of others

Anticipazione dal volume collettivo "Europa 2.0 prospettive ed evoluzioni del sogno europeo", Nicola Vallinoto e Simone Vannuccini (a cura di), ombre corte, Verona, maggio 2010.

L’Europa e i diritti degli altri

di Deborah Lucchetti*

“Mi sento così male e stanca dopo un giorno di lavoro che non vorrei più lavorare il giorno successivo. Ma la fame non mi permette di pensare al malessere, il pensiero di vivere con la pancia vuota annulla tutti gli altri pensieri. Noi lavoriamo per salvare noi stessi dalla fame”. The speaker is a woman working in a textile factory in Bangladesh that supplies Wal-Mart and Carrefour, a woman among so many millions of invisible to the machine every day to help overall production of non-stop, one that produces with a hundred million Asian workers employees of the textile industry directly serves our shelves and it probably will never wear, producing for the European market for European companies to European consumers.

This sentence is a sad testimony to the fate of an individual but a social history of class that affects millions of men, women and children in the world, it contains all the heavy contradiction that afflicts our old continent, stretching and torn between a vision of a democratic Europe based on fundamental human rights and universal rather biased towards a market bent to the interests of big business.
According to a recent survey conducted on 2,508 U.S. companies, a minority of firms equal to 28 percent (of which 45 percent belongs to the world of big) adopted policies on human rights and labor, while only 15 per percent have produced a veritable code of conduct for its suppliers. In Europe the figure increases as the 43 per cent of companies have policies on social responsibility compared with 23 percent of the United States, but the percentages drop below 6 per cent when it comes to assessing content and effectiveness of such policies, for example through the adoption of ILO Conventions and the use of monitoring systems and practical application of standards throughout the production chain. Looking better, we realize that the prevalence of companies that adopt policies to protect human rights and labor are those operating in areas heavily exposed to abuse or prominent in mass consumer markets, a sign of what mechanisms are driving corporations to take care human rights impact of their production.

Ten years of liberal policies applied to international trade have encouraged a restructuring of the markets and businesses has led to a new global geography. The progressive reduction of tariff and non-tariff barriers promoted by the World Trade fertilized the soil for maximum
movement of goods and capital on a flat planet, conceived as a large infrastructure platform designed to hoard resources, and transform distributed according to the logic of increasing concentration and profit. Read the book

Europe 2.0.

DEBORAH PADLOCKS , an expert on labor and human rights, globalization and fair trade. President of the Fair. Coordinator of the Clean Clothes Campaign, the Italian section of the Clean Clothes Campaign, a coalition of over 250 international organizations che promuove i diritti del lavoro nell’industria tessile globale. Partecipa alla Rete Lilliput e prepara il controvertice del G8 del 2001. Ha pubblicato I vestiti nuovi del consumatore (Altreconomia, 2010). Siti: www.abitipuliti.org.

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Ecology, Energy, Europe

Anticipazione dal volume collettivo "Europa 2.0 prospettive ed evoluzioni del sogno europeo", Nicola Vallinoto e Simone Vannuccini (a cura di), ombre corte, Verona, maggio 2010.

Ecologia, energie, Europa della sostenibilità


di Maurizio Gubbiotti*

In pochi anni il mondo è cambiato: fine dell’era industriale, fine del dopo-guerra e della guerra cold, spread of computerization, the breaking of the Internet, the end of communism, socialism crisis, rebirth of nationalism, ethnic and religious conflicts, mass migration, new epidemics, ecological passions, born of non-governmental organizations, steamroller of globalization, neo -liberal. First, the changes are the consequences of globalization from the rule that the economic powers in relation to politics, this implies
huge influence on the life of States, institutions like the International Monetary Fund, World Bank, the World Trade Organisation Trade and the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development, which definiscono le politiche economiche e commerciali di gran parte degli Stati della terra, qualunque sia l’orientamento dei loro governanti. In diversi settori questa evoluzione ha aggravato i più diversi tipi di diseguaglianze. I ricchi, sia gli Stati che gli individui, sono diventati più ricchi, e i poveri sempre più poveri. La globalizzazione neoliberista che costituisce la caratteristica principale del mondo contemporaneo ha portato con sé una perdita di autonomia dei governi, l’onnipotenza dei mercati finanziari, l’attivismo delle mega-imprese, lo sviluppo di reti mafiose, la proliferazione dei paradisi fiscali,
l’indebitamento dei Paesi del Sud, il saccheggio dell’ambiente.

Ed è which is to be reported in a global framework where one billion and 300 million people today live on less than a dollar a day, 2 billion and 400 million people live without access to sanitation, one billion and 500 million people live without access safe drinking water. According to data from the United Nations Environment Program, shows that about 70 percent of the approximately five billion hectares used for agriculture in semi arid areas in or near deserts is already degraded and largely subject to desertification. The lost continent, every five years, 24 billion tons of fertile surface and the phenomenon continues unabated, even worsen. It's a vicious cycle: poverty causes the degradation, the degradation leads to poverty and even when climate change becomes a result of devastating factor, then these communities are forced to look elsewhere for land to live. Each year, explaining how the United Nations, six million people will become environmental refugees. In this context it is essential to the opening of a new era of international cooperation, it must be able to establish contacts and create opportunities to meet, to open channels of communication and research as well as building networks of alliances that enhance the knowledge and experiences of all actors involved, multiplying the impact of the processes of local economic development. Be sought alternatives for sustainable development that emphasize le identità, creino benessere diffuso e durevole, garantiscano la tutela dei valori ambientali e dei sistemi di supporto alla vita. Tali scelte richiedono una maggiore integrazione delle politiche di cooperazione con quelle settoriali a livello nazionale, europeo e mondiale, come, ad esempio, le politiche agricole, energetiche e commerciali nonché le direttrici dello sviluppo economico. L’azione dei popoli dovrà essere capace di costruire un altro modello energetico equo e democratico, non più alimentato dai combustibili fossili e dal nucleare, ma basato sul risparmio dell’energia e sull’uso distribuito e sostenibile delle risorse rinnovabili quali sole, vento, biomasse, geotermia, mini idroelettrico e maree.

Continue in the book Europe 2.0

MAURIZIO Gubbins, environmental journalist. Coordinator of the national secretariat of Legambiente. He will direct the international department participating in the European Social Forum and global and international environmental conferences. He has collaborated with "Dire Environment", "The Swim", "New Ecology", "Knowing," "Modern Woman", "Il Manifesto", "Republic" and "Unity". Among recent publications
Global Value Rights (Ediesse, 2009). Site: www.legambiente.it.

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Sustainability and Economic European basic income

Anticipating the collective volume "European Perspective 2.0 and developments in the European dream, "Nicole and Simone Vallinoto Vannuccini (ed.), short shadows, Verona, May 2010.

European Economic and basic income


Andrea Fumagalli *

Introduction

The financial crisis of recent years has exacerbated the ills of Europe, and highlighted some problems in the process of continental economic and political unification. These illnesses can be found at two levels of analysis, which is better for the time to separate even where they are closely interrelated. The first has to do with the social and economic aspects, relative to the model of organization produzione e del lavoro e ai meccanismi oggi esistenti (o non esistenti) che regolano la sfera distributiva. Il secondo ha a che fare con gli aspetti di policy, strettamente dipendenti dai vincoli e dai gradi di libertà politica oggi esistenti all’interno della dicotomia: spazio pubblico nazionale, spazio pubblico europeo.

Nel presente intervento si cercherà di sviluppare questi due aspetti, alla luce delle trasformazioni della politica sociale e dell’idea del welfare state con il superamento del paradigma di produzione fordista-industriale.

In particolare, si cercherà di mettere a fuoco le contraddizioni oggi esistenti tra enunciazioni di politica sociale in parte innovative e la carenza di strumenti e di spazi dell’agire politico europeo che le renda possibili.

Una nuova idea di welfare per l’Europa

Le trasformazioni del mercato del lavoro negli ultimi due decenni hanno reso impellente una ridefinizione complessiva e una riarticolazione delle politiche di welfare. Non sempre tale argomento ha suscitato l’adeguato interesse del pensiero economico di sinistra e alternativo. Nel
dibattito socio economico attuale, due sono le concezioni di welfare che più di altre attirano l’attenzione degli studiosi e della politica: il workfare e, in alternativa, il welfare pubblico, di derivazione keynesiana. Con il termine workfare si intende un sistema di welfare non universalistico di tipo contributivo (cioè each receives according to what is already the case today with the pension reform), structured on the idea of \u200b\u200bproviding aid of last resort where there are existential conditions that do not allow to work and then access to those rights that only the provision work is able to provide. The idea of \u200b\u200bworkfare is also complementary to the planned privatization of much of the public welfare, from health, education and security.

They are now grounded in the so-called "subsidiarity principle", according to which, in matters that are not exclusive jurisdiction, can make higher levels of government (eg the state) and only insofar as it is believed that lower levels of government (eg regions) are not able to achieve your objectives in a satisfactory manner.

Translated into practice, this means that government intervention can have its own raison d'être only when the individual is unable or does not find convenient to intervene. While, on the other hand, workfare has only partial and immediate target those who are outside the labor market, such as the unemployed and pensioners to the social minimum, and is based on a clear distinction between social and labor policies. Therefore purely a concept with the addition of a Fordist neo-liberal framework, the Anglo-Saxon model: work incentives and welfare state minimum.

This idea of \u200b\u200bworkfare, we want to oppose - on the left - the return of the public welfare or Keynesian. The state should take on a universal-style intervention, able to guarantee all citizens (who do not always coincide with the residents), some basic social services such as health, education and security throughout of life (from cradle to grave, according to the famous definition of the Beveridge Report of the Second World War) in exchange for participation in work and the definition of a social pact between the factors of production. That some basic social services (such as education and health) should continue to remain public, there is no doubt. However, with the crisis of the Fordist model, are less certain preconditions for this model of welfare can perform its duties in an equitable manner within a framework of social justice. Read the book

Europe 2.0.

* Andrea Fumagalli, teaches Macroeconomics and Political Economy at the University of Pavia and alternative economic models at Bocconi University in Milan. Among the papers: Bio-economic and cognitive capitalism (Carocci, 2007), edited by Sandro Mezzadra Global Economic Crisis (shadow court, 2009). Vice Chairman of Bin-Italy (Basic Income Network). Among the organizers MayDay of Milan. UniNomade active in the network. Sites: www.euromayday.org; www.bin-italia.org.

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Internet, Europe and digital rights

Anticipating the collective volume "Europe 2.0 perspectives and developments in the European dream," Nicole and Simone Vallinoto Vannuccini (ed.), Shadows Court, Verona, May 2010. From Chapter

:
Internet, Europe and digital rights
Arturo Di Corinto *


What the digital revolution has changed the way people think, work, earn money or having fun is now a common understanding.

The digitization of content and networks has created new industries, new markets, promoted a new relationship between rulers and ruled, and created new modes of social organization and division of labor. Changes that are now under the name of Society, all-purpose term used to indicate the increasing role that information and communication take on in the social, economic and global policy. However, these changes that have radically altered the world of research, education, commerce, media, cultural industries, have not only created new wealth, but also great poverty, helping to reshape the geopolitical world.
Romancing the framework of the information superhighway Clinton's memory, Europe has tried to take a leading role in this process through the so-called "Lisbon Strategy". Yet, despite the bombastic ads, such a strategy, which aimed to transform Europe's largest economy in the digital world, seems to have failed miserably because of the inability to make the system the potential of its Member States, with a rich and active civil society, an entrepreneurial dynamic small and medium-sized enterprises, and a competition-oriented regulatory framework of markets, but also to tolerance, diversity and freedom.

were many events over the years have prevented Europe become a cherished place in Lisbon. The jealousies of national states, the pressing of lobbyists, the anti-competitive behavior of many companies, the inclination of many countries to violate human rights of its citizens, the failure to reap the benefits of innovation socially produced. Preventing the proper osmosis between basic research and applied research, the synergies between research centers, public and private, and research and development departments of large enterprises and between them and local authorities, instead of Europe forward, retreats. In addition to this, the inability to speak to the territories, institutions with weak financial structure and investment, difficulties in accessing credit from banks located round up the lost opportunities to develop a healthy economy informational. Quite the opposite of what was happening in places like California that is not by chance, while a "small states", with the ability to invest in research, technology and innovation, is the ninth in the world economy.

continues in the book.

* Arturo Di Corinto. "The Sole24ore", "PeaceReporter", "Point-Computer." Author of books and essays on open source collective work, copyright and technological innovation. He is the author of Revolution OS II, the first Italian film about open source. President of the Free Hardware Foundation Rome. Cognitive psychologist, has taught and researched at Stanford University and La Sapienza University in Rome. He has participated in many campaigns for the promotion and protection of freedom of European digital. Sites: www.frontieredigitali.net; fhf.it; www.dicorinto.it.

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The debt of Europe: the good ' Africa

Anticipating the collective volume "Europe 2.0 perspectives and developments in the European dream," Nicole and Simone Vallinoto Vannuccini (ed.), Shadows Court, Verona, May 2010.

From Chapter:
The debt of Europe to compensate Africa

Raffaella Chiodo Karpinsky *

The island of Gorée is severe and indelible part of our history. For us Europeans, in the wrong. There is no escape. There is only debt. Our. Yet, five hundred years since Gore was focused men and women destined for deportation to the West -
first selection, then the one-way trip to slavery -, there is no recognition and the exploitation continues. The exploitation of time and centuries to come, through whom we have built wealth and progress for this part of the world. For the other party, in fact,
no choice but to sentence the processes of impoverishment. Before colonization with monocultures, then the expropriation natural resources, from wheat to coal through the diamonds and gold and finally, the structural adjustments imposed by the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. Given the adverse outcomes that these organizations have produced their loans seems to have never had the intention to be such, even if - under the sign of the oil crisis in '73 and good intentions than they should be
years eighties, the potential "decade of development" -, their programs should make possible the reconstruction of devastated economies left by former colonizers.

A really believe and invest substantial resources is really stata una generazione di importanti leader europei. Personalità della sinistra europea come Olof Palme, Willy Brandt, Altiero Spinelli o Enrico Berlinguer. Una tipologia di politici con una visione responsabile dell’Europa e degli organismi internazionali fondamentali, come le Nazioni Unite, di cui oggi si sente una profonda mancanza. Ma il re è nudo e da tempo. Oggi nessuno lo può più negare che a vincere su quelle visioni solidali ha prevalso ben altro approccio. L’approccio di chi ha inventato il meccanismo perverso del debito estero dei paesi impoveriti, che alla fine dei conti non è stato altro se non un modo per rispondere, più che alle necessità delle economie decolonizzate, alle esigenze delle economie colpite dalle crisi oil of the seventies. External debt has been and is still largely a great fortune, insurance indefinitely revenue into the coffers of rich countries. In fact put it out on time and in the manner alleged by the measures and the conditions imposed was and is simply not possible, pay it back, but it is possible, and even several times, with interest from dizziness.

* RAFFAELLA NAIL Karpinski, freelance. Jobs Uisp the International Department. Awepa observer, the EU, the UN in Africa and the OSCE in Russia. Coordinator of debt relief. Among the promoters of the States General of solidarity and international cooperation, "International Network of Women for Peace," board member
Table of Peace. Sites: www.radioarticolo1.it; www.womenetworkforpeace.net;
www.perlapace.it; www.peacegamesuisp.org.


continues in the book Europe 2.0 Prospects and developments in the European dream

*